The Rent Bubble: Coming to a Neighborhood Near You

Among the lesser-reported impacts of the Great Recession, during which time millions of Americans lost their homes to foreclosure, is the continuing surge in rental housing demand. Demand has inflated rental rates in already costly markets throughout the country. But rental price inflation is not just a problem hitting high cost of living regions in California and New York — it has hit 90 cities nationwide with no end in sight. Rental costs between 2011 and 2012, alone, increased 4 percent nationally, whereas rents in some markets during a broader period — between 2000 and 2012 — have inflated nearly 25 percent, a study by the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University reports.

High demand and short supply means one thing: higher prices. But housing isn’t merely a luxury people can forgo. Increased demand for rental housing post recession does not merely reflect the fact that mortgage lending standards are more stringent, but the reality that many Americans are still attempting to rebound from a downwardly mobile spiral. Just because rents are rising doesn’t mean renters are in a position to absorb the price hikes. To the extent rental property demand is an outgrowth of the economic meltdown and stagnant wages — in spite of job growth in more recent years — it would appear housing reform is a topic seriously overdue for national attention.

The Shape of Crisis to Come

Today’s landlord isn’t simply a kindly gray-haired lady looking to rent out a room or an apartment. Housing inflation is driven more so by investors who hold millions of dollars of assets within a given community, if not nationwide. If large-scale property owners could be compelled by state or federal legislation to peg year-to-year rent increases to some combination of inflation and the prevailing median annual incomes of community members occupying similar housing, it might be possible to boost economic gains in other segments of the economy.

Nationally, support for raising minimum wage has gathered momentum. But what if we’re having the wrong conversation? Raising the minimum wage, when inflation is purportedly stable and interest rates remain at record lows, is nonsensical — unless one considers a leading reason why minimum wage earners are sorely in need of a pay increase in the first place: to keep a roof over their heads. Talk of increasing minimum wage is controversial, in part, because critics fear increased labor costs may slow job growth or push consumer prices higher, nullifying any initial advantage raising the minimum wage may impart.

Slapping a bandage on a hemorrhage begs the question: Why not tackle the problem at its core — housing inflation? In the wake of the housing bubble bust, the Harvard study released in June 2014 finds that an unprecedented number of renters in major markets from Miami to Los Angeles are allocating in excess of 30 percent of their monthly pay toward rent, with rents at a 30-year high a Zillow report concludes. And it’s not just young adults who comprise the ranks of the rental class, either. Increasingly, renters consist of families and middle-aged adults, too. Devoting increasing amounts of one’s pay to the cost of housing is likely to continue as rents, much like health care, continue to outpace and out-inflate the broader economy. But it’s the ripple effects of housing inflation that ought to have Republicans and Democrats alike worried.

Robbing Peter to Pay Paul

The elephant in the living room that few journalists, economists and politicians are talking about is the emergence of price gouging in major rental markets. If nothing is done to reform high-risk housing markets, it is likely that other parts of the country, where costs of living are significantly lower, will follow in the steps of overpriced markets in Seattle, San Francisco and elsewhere. Ignoring this economically-destabilizing trend is not an option. As renters, not unlike the sub-prime home buyers who preceded them, place higher percentages of their incomes toward rent, fewer households can be expected to save for a rainy day and more Americans will underfund their retirements. This is a disaster of grave future proportions because families that do not have adequate savings are at greater risk of filing for bankruptcy, and may become dependents of — or proponents of — prolonged unemployment benefits, taxpayer-funded welfare programs and the like.

During the Great Recession, demand for social safety nets grew to such an extent that beltway Republicans advocated cutting benefits to reign in costs. (To cite an example popularized during the recession, one in seven American families were said to be eligible for food stamp benefits.) And yet cutting entitlements, just when they are needed most, is a cruel if not superficial fix. Instead, legislators at the state and federal level should look at the underlying reason why so many Americans are living paycheck to paycheck in the first place. One can, of course, cite the usual suspects — decades worth of outsourcing jobs alongside losses brought about by automation — but second only to health care, housing is a segment of consumer spending that poorly reflects income growth or inflation at large. If we want to put the economy back on solid footing, reconciling the disconnect between the rate of inflation, wage growth and housing costs must become a national priority — before the next economic downturn.

No longer do rental price trends lie in the hands of small-time landlords. Demand isn’t the sole explanation, either. If, however, there are 10,000 rental units in a given city that are owned by the same firm, and that firm should push the limits of what the market can bear, Mom ‘n Pop property owners are likely to follow suit if only because heavyweight competitors have set the tone. In much the same way the bank bailouts paradoxically generated even bigger too-big-to-fail banks, the Great Recession set the stage for investors to scoop up real estate assets throughout the U.S. at fire sale prices. And that scarcely bodes well for price diversity in the years to come.

Affordable Housing, a National Security Issue?

Rather than advocate for rent control in the traditional sense — that is, cost-control provisions aimed at low-income tenants — lawmakers should reign in the market-inflating practices of housing price trendsetters across the board — and, in particular, limit the ability of foreign real estate investors to heavily influence domestic real estate markets. This might be accomplished by pegging year-to-year rental rate increases to a combination of local inflation and median incomes in a given area for like housing. This is not to say that reform ought to be so draconian as to mandate outright rental rate caps. Large-scale private equity groups may continue to increase rental rates to reflect supply and demand — but in so doing perhaps those who routinely test the upper limits of the non-luxury rental market ought to incur a residency requirement, forgo tax incentives and/or pay a penalty that can be used by state and federal authorities to shore up the safety nets savings-poor Americans are apt to turn to in the event of crisis or an unplanned retirement.

Affordable housing is the missing ingredient in the health and stability of the broader economy. Assuming it were possible to craft effective reform, households would be in a better position to fund their own savings, lessening the likelihood that illness, recession or job loss will propel families into bankruptcy or thrust them into the unenviable ranks of taxpayer dependents. If a housing reform bill were to incentivize large-scale property management owners to reconcile rental prices to inflation and local income levels, we might see an end to nonsensical situations in which demand for rental units reaches all-time highs precisely when the economy hits all-time lows. Moreover, if such legislation were to target large-scale investment groups — and foreign residential property investors in particular — it might also compel them to scale back their holdings and thus diversify real estate markets in ways that will contribute to improved market competition.

Media coverage on the state of the housing in California and other “harbinger markets” throughout the country warn of more price hikes to come, with double-digit percentile gains slamming rental markets from Las Vegas, Nevada to Southern California’s outlying Inland Empire — well into 2016. The fact that home ownership is the lowest it has been since 1995 — even as renters in some markets are now spending 40 to 50 percent of their monthly pay on housing — speaks for itself: This is an unsustainable trend, with unsavory social and demographic ramifications. As rents increase relative to lackluster wage growth, nontraditional living arrangements, recession or no recession, will become commonplace. Census Bureau reports in the years to come, for example, may find more midlife adults pairing up with roommates not unlike their college-age counterparts a generation ago. Homeownership, increasingly, may become the domain of the wealthy and multigenerational cohabitants. All the while, fewer “marrying age” Americans may tie the knot and take the homeownership leap, for the same economic reasons that came to light during the recession. Taken together, these trends may transform the U.S. into a “rentership society” in which putting down fewer roots — a far cry from the American Dream — becomes the new normal.

Some readers may recall when non-matinee movie tickets could be had for substantially less than $10-$14. But when New York City residents began ponying up nearly double the national average a number of years ago, ticket prices nationwide began to follow suit. Rental price trends, similarly, vary by region and demand. And yet the more rent payers are willing to bear, the more it is likely to push up the cost of renting — and living — far outside the likes of New York and California. If we don’t like the shape of things to come, now is the time to place a national spotlight on housing reform. The bottom line? If we want to stabilize the economy, increasing minimum wage and loosening mortgage lending standards are far from the only answers. It’s time to stabilize rental markets, too. And not just for the benefit of low-income tenants, either. Housing is an inescapable expense. And we’re all on the hook.

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RESOURCES

The Coming Nightmare of Wall Street-Controlled Rental Markets | Alternet

There’s Only One Way Rents Will Go: Sky High | The Fiscal Times

Wall Street’s Hot New Financial Instrument: Your Rent Check | Mother Jones

There Will be No Real Recovery Without the Middle Class | Forbes

In Many Cities Rent is Rising Out of Reach of Middle Class | New York Times

The Rent Bubble is Going to Blow Up Across the Country | The Daily Beast

Rents are Rising but People aren’t Making any more Money | ThinkProgress

Wall Street’s Rental Home Gamble: How worried should we be? | Al Jazeera American

The Five Biggest Benefits of Owning Real Estate | The Joint Center for Housing Studies at Harvard University

So Far From Green, So Close to Brown: Why An Alternative Energy Future is Slow in Coming

Quick! What type of world did you imagine when you were a kid? Did you foresee yourself darting about in a hovercraft much like the cartoon family in the Jetsons? Vacationing on the moon? A lean, mean greener world? How is it that we find ourselves these many years, decades even, down the road and we’re still looking at a society that in so many ways is what it once was: the world that petroleum built? Decades after the Carter-era gasoline shortages, now with the prospect of $6 gasoline looming before us, we have little to show for our grand hopes and great visions. We’re still talking about moving off foreign oil even as the buzzword “energy independence” has become firmly entrenched in our lexicon. So little, so late.

What happened?

Enter another buzzword: “market ready”. This explanation commonly surfaces to explain why an innovation publicized in Popular Science back in the 1970s, test-marketed in the 1980s or touted by industry in the ’90s has yet to materialize. What’s so difficult for us to implement hasn’t been out of reach of others, however. The Japanese have been using bullet trains for over a decade to travel great distances in a matter of minutes, Denmark in the early 1990s harnessed the power-generation potential of cow manure, among other sources, and Brazilians were riding in alternative-fueled buses and cars more than a decade before the trend caught on in North America.

We here in the United States fancy ourselves on the cutting edge of innovation and invention — indeed that our proclivity to bring new tech to the market will keep us economically viable in a cut-throat global economy — so why is it that green technology is market ready for our international neighbors yet a largely unrealized aspiration for us? Worse yet, why are there rumblings that we’re less inclined to care?

The short answer is this: For all the talk of going green our values don’t allow for the accomplishments of the past. Part of the problem stems from a misread of our own history. We forget that major infrastructure improvements were government backed, from the Civil War-era government bonds that financed the first transcontinental railroad to the post-World War II interstate highway system and the subsequent space race that successfully launched us to the moon. In spite of our history — and apparently in place of our collective sense of pride in funding a modern, first-rate society — we have but one seeming priority, exemplified by yet another buzzword: Privatization.

Private investment is idealized, public investment demonized. In spite of the fact that we have universally benefited from the public-private partnerships of the past we’re preoccupied today with either/or solutions. Cautionary buzzwords define the debate for better or for worse. Don’t let government pick the “winners and losers” — Solyndra is the latest poster child for that no-no. Cable news networks and Internet discussion forums have popularized the notion: government doesn’t produce anything valuable, certainly not jobs. Never mind the apparent contradiction — that this notion poorly reflects how Americans working for defense contractors feel nor their predecessors who fed their families during the Great Depression building community colleges, among other things, as part of FDR’s Works Progress Administration.

Today’s debates aren’t characterized by nuance, reason or historical accuracy — they’re about taglines, talking points and buzzwords.

For all the nonsensical generalizations that preoccupy the public mind there are lesser appreciated reasons why there is more talk of change than change itself. Take the high cost of oil. The media blames geopolitical instability in Iran, specifically, and the Mideast in general. Conservatives blame environmentalists for prevailing against refinery permits and the Obama Administration. Overlooked in the scuffle is a clue to a far less appreciated explanation — one that appears in an unexpected place: “The Undefeated“, a documentary on Sarah Palin. Point Thomson, located on Alaska’s North slope, lay idle 30-some years even as the State of Alaska awaited lease-holder, Exxon Mobile, to tap its vast resources. The documentary credits Governor Palin for putting a stop to “petro hoarding” by threatening to revoke the company’s lease for failing to make revenue gains for the State. Then, and only then, did Exxon Mobile sink their drill bits.

So what does this have to do with hovercraft, high-speed rail and green energy — the lofty advances we think so highly of yet see so little of?

A lot.

It turns out we’ve been wrong in how we frame the debate. True, environmentalists — and just about anyone who doesn’t want a refinery in their own backyard — make it difficult to gain permits and to expand much-needed domestic energy production. And yet this too is true: Old energy benefits from such forces.

The very groups Big Oil demonize as “bad for business” are, in fact, good for profits.

The usual conservative versus liberal scapegoating would have us believe that each is the source of the other camp’s problem. Partisan infighting obscures a salient fact hiding in plain sight: Petroleum is more profitable when supplies are scarce. That’s true when scarcity is artificial — a consequence of deregulation-enabled asset bubbles and paper-based commodities speculation. It’s true when there is geopolitical instability in the Mideast or elsewhere. It’s true when mother nature extracts her revenge. It’s true when a man-made disaster occurs. It’s true when poorly crafted regulatory controls choke off competition. And if we are to believe that “peak oil” plays a role — real or imagined — that, too, contributes to scarcity. Whatever or whomever takes the blame, the result is the same: The more costly, dangerous or difficult it is to drill, refine, transport and sell petroleum, the more costs are passed on to consumers — and the higher profits potentially become.

Whether by greed, necessity or conspiracy we arrive at the same place: pain at the gas pump and the rising cost of everything else. In a word: Inflation. Most Americans reportedly believe the Obama Administration could do more to stop the cascading cost of gasoline while others point out that high gas prices benefit the president’s goal of reduced consumption. But why would the President take such a hit to his approval ratings with an election around the corner? Clearly the Administration has a number of tools at its disposal: reform taxation policy, release strategic oil reserves, ease drilling restrictions or renegotiate leases in much the same way Governor Palin did. And yet there’s a competing factor that can’t be ruled out: Just as high prices serve the interests of sustainable energy backers, it paradoxically serves the interests of Big Oil, strange bedfellows though they make.

The economic ramifications may begin at the pump but they don’t end there. Capital is another factor. Renewable energy, to the extent it is more efficient, represents less profit (certainly at a slower pace). Less profit or a longer-return-on-investment equals less interest on the part of private equity and venture capital firms. Without government subsidies or substantial tax breaks to sweeten the deal, investors are bound to shy away from substantial green energy infrastructure investments. Investors often desire large-scale returns, which may necessitate a large-scale project. This objective, in turn, may be at odds with the resource- and location-dependent characteristics of green energy — a patchwork of solutions consisting of wind, water, solar and geothermal technologies, which may not be up to scale or may add undesirable complexity and cost. And there’s yet another problem: Investors typically seek a relatively quick return on their money. Alternative energy lends itself to the perception that consumers are likely to pay less for a more plentiful resource — all of which spells less profit, particularly in the short term. In other words, the best way to hand Big Oil a brown energy monopoly is to privatize green.

If we wholly privatize progress we’re likely to see very little of it.

Solyndra has become a case study in what Big Government does to distort the free market: the wrong incentives, the wrong bets, the wrong outcome. Still, in the long view of history, success is on the side of visionary partnerships. Nations that get things done aren’t necessarily the oldest, wealthiest or the most resource rich: they’re the ones that set aside individual differences to enjoy cooperative achievements.

Whether our personal stake in the issue centers around losses from our own pocketbooks in the form of jobs, price gouging, taxation or inflation — whether we truly care about a cleaner, greener world or not — it will take a village and a vision to bring about change.

Business is people. Government is people. There is no special moral advantage to public or private interests and endeavors — rather a series of relative advantages and disadvantages that must be weighed on an issue-by-issue, case-by-case basis. Whether Big Business or Big Government helps or harms us is up to us — and the incentives we put in place.

We are the problem. We are also the solution.

When we strike a balance our children or grandchildren just might inherit the fantastical, opportunity-filled future they imagine today. Isn’t that all most of us ever really wanted anyhow?

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RESOURCES

History-Altering Decisions: Clinton Signs the Commodities Futures Modernization Act | Newsweek

Big Oil’s Banner Year: Higher Prices, Record Profits, Less Oil | Grist

Perhaps 60 Percent of Today’s Oil Price is Pure Speculation | Geopolitics-Geoeconomics

Speculation Behind High Gas Prices, Report Says | New York Times

America’s Transportation Infrastructure: Life in the Slow Lane | The Economist

Food Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Alternatives | International Viewpoint

Equitable and Sustainable Globalisation: Principles for Global Governance [PDF] | The Evian Group